This is a two-part series about archive researchers, one in 1852 and one in 2019, who were incapable of accepting that Rembrandt was manipulative, no more trustworthy than he had to be, tricky with money, capable of great cruelty and downwardly mobile. Both of these researchers added significantly to our knowledge of Rembrandt’s life, and both coupled their archival findings to the tendentious claim that the documents absolve Rembrandt of all stigma.
The first is Pieter Scheltema (1812-85), city archivist of Amsterdam from 1848 until his death. In 1852 he was called upon to deliver an oration on the eve of the unveiling of a statue of Rembrandt in Amsterdam, in the presence of King Willem III. The appeal to Scheltema was not like your everyday scholarly call for papers. It was virtually an act of state. In 1843 the Belgians, newly seceded from the Kingdom of the Netherlands over which Willem’s grandfather had ruled, celebrated their new nationhood with the elevation of the internationally famous Peter Paul Rubens to the status of a national, Belgian hero. The vehicle was an over life-size statue of Rubens on the Groenplaats cemetery in Antwerp, in the shadow of the venerable Cathedral of our Lady, one of the most prestigious locations in the country.
The Dutch were thrown into turmoil. Their kingdom, even in its truncated form, was three times the size of Belgium and three times richer, and they were not about to cede cultural superiority to the Belgians. They found themselves in acute need of a national hero to vie with Rubens. Rembrandt was the inevitable choice. He too was internationally famous. But what he was famous for did not all redound to his credit. Linking his name and fame to the Nation could bring down ridicule on the Kingdom of the Netherlands, especially in the comparison with Rubens. As the two were seen at the time, Rubens consorted with high and mighty European rulers and aristocrats, Rembrandt with proletarian commoners; Rubens was a financial as well as artistic success, Rembrandt a bankrupt; Rubens was noble in his dealings with others, Rembrandt was a miser who practiced cheap scams to rake in extra cash.
Frontispiece and title page of Scheltema’s book, published in 1853. Rembrand. Oration on the life and merits of Rembrandt van Rijn, with a myriad of historical appendices largely drawn from authentic sources, by Dr. P. Scheltema, Archivist of the Capital City of the Province of Noord-Holland, Honorary Member of the Arti et Amicitiae Society. Scheltema spells the artist’s name without the t “by current fashion, without prejudice against those who spell it differently.” That includes Rembrandt.
And so the city archivist of Amsterdam was called upon to remedy this imbalance by, in his own words, “paying Rembrandt the respect that had been bestowed a few years ago on Rubens in Antwerp, Belgium [and] clearing his character from the blame that has unworthily been cast upon it.” Scheltema had exonerating explanations for everything. Concerning Rembrandt’s social class: If he sought the company of common folk, it was by way of research, to learn their ways for the benefit of his art. His friendship with the famous surgeon Nicholas Tulp, the patrician Jan Six and the poet Jeremias de Decker proves that he did not seek happiness among ordinary people.
As for Rembrandt’s so-called miserliness, this is disproved by his letters to Constantijn Huygens, secretary to Frederik Hendrik, the prince of Orange. Rembrandt was painting pictures of the Passion of Christ for Frederik Hendrik, for which, he wrote, he would accept any amount deemed sufficient by the prince, even if he knew it to be less than the paintings were worth. And to Huygens he presented a painting by his hand as a token of heartfelt affection. “Behavior that in no way corresponds to the nature of a self-interested person.”
Scheltema forgives Rembrandt for bending over to pick up fictive coins painted on the studio floor by his pupils. “Even the least selfish among us could fall victim to such deception.” About his scams: How could anyone say that a loving father would send his son out to sell his etchings at a bargain price, claiming to have stolen them? What husband would let his wife spread the rumor that he was dead, in order to raise the price of his paintings? That was in any case impossible because everyone recognized Rembrandt from all those self-portraits. The idea that he printed numerous states of an etching plate only to milk collectors was sheer libel. He did so only to improve the compositions.
An even greater proof that Rembrandt was no miser was that he got into such deep financial trouble later in life. His detractors blame this on his profligacy, which is a lie. He sold his art widely, earned very well, and lived simply. If he went into bankruptcy it was only because times had turned. In 1653 fifteen hundred houses in Amsterdam – some say 3000 – stood empty, and in 1655 the Dutch state had to lower the interest on its bonds. Rembrandt was forced to sell his valuable collection at a low point in the market.
What about the story that he invested in the alchemical projects of Menasseh ben Israel and Ephraim Bueno? True, he knew the former as a learned theologian and the latter as a physician, but for the idea that they practiced the preposterous art of alchemy there is not a shred of evidence.
Why are such slanderous stories told about Rembrandt? For no reason except jealousy. “If virtue is the most beautiful crown of true merit,[…] we hereby restore to Rembrandt the possession of his honor, stolen from him through envy and professional jealousy. We do not hesitate to add to our admiration for his talent respect and esteem for his person.”
Scheltema was right about there being no evidence for the scams and the alchemy. But when it came to proof of Rembrandt’s generosity through his letters and gifts to Constantijn Huygens and of his high social standing through his friendships with respected individuals, he twisted the evidence to the point of falsification. For Rembrandt to write that Frederik Hendrik was paying him less than his paintings were worth was not an act of beneficence, it was a chutzpah. And Huygens was incensed that Rembrandt offered him a large painting as a gift and refused to accept it.
Rembrandt was not befriended with Nicholas Tulp, and his friendship with Tulp’s son-in-law Jan Six ended abruptly shortly before Rembrandt’s bankruptcy, just when he could have used support. Jeremias de Decker was a pretty good poet, but his social standing was lower than Rembrandt’s.
With this pumping up of authentic documents and ridiculing red herrings, Scheltema proclaims the Dutchman Rembrandt to be as noble a soul as the Belgian Rubens. Evidence to the contrary could be safely ignored, since it could not be true. There is therefore no mention of the following:
– Aspersions on Rembrandt’s low social status and his neglect of highly-placed patrons originated with a writer who knew Rembrandt quite well personally: Joachim von Sandrart, who had no reason to be jealous of Rembrandt.
– His arrogant personal manners were commented on by the Italian biographer Filippo Baldinucci, on the basis of first-hand testimony of a former pupil of Rembrandt’s.
– The origin for the smears on Rembrandt’s moneygrubbing comes from a pupil of a Rembrandt pupil, Arnold Houbraken. In all three volumes of his lives of the Netherlandish painters and paintresses, Rembrandt is the only one who is accused of this fault.
“These pages about their great countryman, the immortal Rembrand, are reverently dedicated by the author to his countrymen.” Scheltema left no one in doubt about the nationalistic purpose of his publication.
These authentic testimonies were the source of those later defamatory judgments of Rembrandt. Not a single nice word about Rembrandt’s character was published until deep in the nineteenth century. In 1852, then, Pieter Scheltema launched modern Rembrandt studies in a defensive mode, with a chip on his shoulder, and in deliberate denial of contemporaneous opinion about the man. We are still living with the consequences, as we shall see in part 2 of this series, in which a 21st-century researcher does Scheltema one better.
© Gary Schwartz 2020. Published on the Schwartzlist on 14 February 2020
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